International political circumstances Imperialism, as a constituent element of capitalism and not as its'
individual feature, encapsulates as a historical stage all the contradictions produced by the competitive/expansionist nature of capital. And this ruthless competition, which constitutes monopolies and the political-military mechanisms (states) to guard them, at the international level, is reflected in the global division of labour and the possibility for "a handful of countries" (Lenin) to reap, through economic, political and military means, the largest share of the wealth that is produced globally.
We are at a juncture where the global balance of power is being disturbed and transformed towards multi-polarity with the simultaneous and consequent collapse of the former "empire" of Western imperialism.
The ongoing territorialized conflict between Nato and Russia in the Ukrainian territory, which practically unveiled the underlying "historical" conflict between West and East, has created a rift and released accumulated tensions at an international level. A conflict that was the cutting edge of Western imperialism's planning and evolved through the circumvention of the agreements on NATO's "Eastward" expansion as a focal point of pressure and encirclement of the, traditionally and prospectively, Eastern enemy. A conflict that once again clearly showed that imperialism does not hesitate to sacrifice entire peoples for its unimpeded expansion, pulverising them in the mills of its war machine.
With the attention of the West focused on the Ukrainian front and with its acknowledged difficulty, despite the rallying and concentration of all Western forces, to achieve some kind of strategic victory, the vacuum is created, the dynamics and the prospect of the emergence of new fronts for Western imperialism as we see in the Middle East (Palestine-Iran-Lebanon-Yemen-Syria), in Africa (Sahel zone, etc.), in the Far East (China-Taiwan, etc.) assuming the characteristics and proportions of an economic/trade war with the expansion of the BRICS and the process of de-dollarisation as well as the practice of trade tariffs/ sanctions. Fronts which are part of the wider mosaic of rearrangement of the poles of power and authority but which produce, in
some of these cases, examples of popular and national liberation struggles in the direction of throwing off the imperialist/colonial yoke. Examples which are considered as promising for the development of the international popular/class struggle.
One such resounding example is the new phase of resistance of the Palestinian people to the 80-year colonial occupation by the Western imperialism's placeholder, the Zionist killer state of Israel. A population that has been subjected for decades to every form of murderous violence, crammed into a narrow strip of land, completely blockaded by Israeli military forces and essentially confined in the largest open prison in the world, paying the price every day for its stubborn refusal to submit to its oppressor, to give up its self-evident and acquired right to self-determination. For Land and Freedom.
The counter-attack and overall resistance of the Palestinian people placed in the context of the global rearrangement of the balance of power among the dominant power blocs has achieved something unprecedented. To signal the collapse of the immunity of the apparent omnipotence of the Zionist war machine by transferring the conflict to the territories counted as Israeli territories, directly and practically
challenging their occupation treaty. Signalling which has succeeded in producing the image of a people who, despite the unthinkable circumstances they face, can organise themselves and attack by striking hard at their oppressor, sabotaging the US-driven normalisation of relations between the Arab states and Israel, emphatically stating that they cannot be ignored in the attempted solution to their cause.
An image of resistance which has created chain reactions and tremors of anxiety in the dominant Western bloc as it is an example of victory for the struggles against colonial and imperialist occupation, for the
struggles for self-determination, for the class struggles of the peoples of the world. An example that had to be struck hard and by all means leading to the full rallying of the western states in support of the Zionist response, giving the green light to unleash the atrocities that followed against the Palestinian people.
This general state of war unfolds in a period of a long and dead-end economic crisis of the capitalist system, with the method of raising/reducing interest rates leading to cycles of fluctuating inflation, public debt, consumption, the dynamics of economic growth, etc, and not translating into a definitive solution, leading to the turn of the militarization of industry, of the political framework, of the state of political discourse, of society itself, through the increase of nationalism and patriotism, with its goal being none other han the
ultimate outlet for the reproduction of Capital, the cycle of destruction/creation of productive means-power/profit-making opportunities, war. With conditions resembling the margins of the First and Second World
Wars, the peoples of the EU are caught in the tug-of-war of N.A.T.O.'s conflict. with Russia with the impact on the economy and on the productive potential of its member states from the disruption/interruption of trade/supply chains, de-industrialization, the fiscal burden of financing the conflict and the sanctions imposed to unbearably intensify the already creeping pressure on their domestic economy, degrading the living standards of their peoples while increasing class inequalities and tensions. The peoples of the EU find it difficult to commit themselves to unconditional support for the Ukrainian front, especially when this means their further economic decline and the ignoring of their own demands in favour of the continuation of its financing (e.g. the months-long struggle of the farmers in France, the domino effect of the closure of industrial plants in Central Europe, the increase in inflation and the cost of living, etc.). These tensions will increase as a result of the militarisation of production and the transformation of the economy into a war economy.
This current political environment, in the broader war movement, is dangerously being exploited at the European level, in the absence of a solid "Left" political presence and a concrete proposal due to the long-standing movement's retreat and the syncretism with social-democratic forces, by the now "serious" far-right, which all of a sudden is questioning the success of the globalised economy and simultaneously proposing a shift to national productive/economic reconstruction, seemingly shaping the terms of rejection of European totalitarianism and the pulverisation of national policies through the promotion of a new semi-autonomous national narrative which is presented as a one-way street for the fulfilment of national/people's needs. A tendency which is moving along the lines of the U.S.A.'s right wing agenda and which we are witnessing with different qualitative characteristics in a number of European countries such as France, Germany, Italy, Hungary, etc., but also in the U.S.A. with the recent presidential elections and Trump's eventual victory, claiming or holding the reins of political power and management, having moderated its discourse, tactics and action to more moderate levels, focusing on the pretense of meeting the needs of the people and achieving the penetration and subsequent support of a large part of the working class. A trend in line with which the political scene in Greece is also evolving.
The domestic circumstances
With Greece being dependent since its birth and now tied and inextricably aligned with the EU's imperatives to perpetuate the privileges and interests of its bourgeoisie, the domestic field could not be seen apart from the international one, recognizing the dialectical connection but also trying to identify its specific characteristics.
The belligerent government of the New Democracy is here to stay and can hardly be " shaken " in the absence of a proposal of our own or a systemic alternative. The social-democratic pole, having played its role in rescuing the capitalist system in the previous memorandum years by flattening any popular expectations, has been crushed. We are witnessing the effort to reconstruct it at a faltering pace, but having embodied the neoliberal agenda in its essence and with the New Democracy having embodied parts of the "WOKE" progressive rightism (e.g. same-sex marriage) it cannot offer any convincing alternative to society. We nevertheless recognise that the building and existence of this pole is part of the long-term plans of the bourgeoisie for an alternative channel for absorbing social and class shocks and seamlessly pursuing its agenda under the guise of a pseudo-social policy. Such a role is also played by the far right, which in Greece, however, with its fragmented formations and without a personality that can lead, does not have the characteristics that we recognise throughout Europe. Although it does not express itself at street level, as it did during the time the Golden Dawn Party was active, there is a rise with different qualitative characteristics of a more "socialisable", "sophisticated" and "decent" far-right which will play its dirty role when necessary and which should not leave us indifferent in general but also more specifically and directly in the fields where we are alsopresent and can intervene (class claims, auctions, renting, fire-combating fronts etc.).
The neoliberal agenda is being consolidated by the Mitsotakis government, which operates on status quo terms. The country is being turned into a vast NATO base and has active participation in the two main war fronts (Ukraine, Middle East) while devoting 3.2% of GDP to defence spending and providing the bare minimum for social benefits. A mismatch in expenditures that it tries to justify by reproducing a fabricated narrative, for the internal consumption of its conservative audience, about the national uplift and upgrading of Greece within NATO in the face of Turkey's aggression and securing the country in the face of the negotiations on the EEZ and the economic exploitation of the Aegean's rich resources. A narrative that deliberately overlooks the real strengthening of Turkey's geopolitical position in the wider region through its role as an "intermediary player" between the two warring blocs. A consolidation that allows it to promote its interests by playing a key role on a number of active fronts (Syria, Libya, Ukraine, Palestine, Lebanon), either as a direct participant, a guarantor, a financier or a negotiator. A war situation which is developing simultaneously in both countries, maintaining a climate of rivalry between the peoples, obscuring the real reason for its reproduction, the promotion of the interests of the bourgeoisie on both sides.
Domestically, education, health and all public structures and goods are collapsing and being handed over to private capital. Labour takes the final blows to whatever acquisitions were left, even on paper (8-hour-5-days of work), unlike in other EU countries, thus confirming its peripheral and dependent role. Inflation is rocketing, prices are skyrocketing, while wages remain at rock bottom. Economic disparities are becoming even more acute. The economy is geared solely to the tourism industry and the construction bubble, showing ephemeral indicators of growth which do not translate into productivity but enable the creation, maintenance and expansion of a small and middle class which, for the time being, naively enjoys the privileges of orderly mobility. All this is a bubble, which will sooner or later burst, while the housing and survival issue for our class is growing.
Despite the full frontal attack, the movement is constantly retreating. We are in the most unfavourable environment of the last few years. Acceptance of defeat, disillusionment, depoliticisation and demobilisation prevail. The main characteristics of the movement forces today are the inability to formulate a revolutionary proposal that can convince and inspire, the inability to produce autonomous movements and to secure even small victories that strengthen self-confidence, the turn to introversion and entrenchment as outlets for self-reproduction. Crucial is the lack of a class/anti-capitalist/anti-imperialist front capable of carrying out the above. Thus the movement is detached from the people, the working class, the youth. This precludes the creation of even small mounds that can exist in the dominant promotion of privatisation, pro-individualism and the individual solution. At the same time, the fragmentation of collective class identities prevails side by side with the plague and the bashing of unions and class trade unionism by the ruling political forces - splitting and targeting the class subject and the class perspective. The historical period we are living in will be full of independent proletarian and popular uprisings, in which our support must be given. But at the same time it must be dialectically linked to the class struggle taking place in our country.
Greece has long ago chosen its stratgic and military collaborations through a series of inter-state agreements (Prespes 2018), "defence" pacts (with France and the USA), purchases of military equipment, concessions of infrastructure, ports and camps, participation in imperialist interventions. A policy expressed by the constant "reforms" at the back. The privatisations, the skyrocketing prices of basic necessities and the rising cost of living, the frozen wages and pensions and the intensification of work, the dismantling of the public character of education, health and a series of services and infrastructure, the intensification and militarisation of repression, the hunt and constant brutality towards migrants at the borders and on the streets, the
inadequate measures to protect the life and health of workers in the workplace.
Our struggle, therefore, for the disengagement of the country from all active war fronts, for the cancellation of the economic and war agreements with Israel, the USA and France, for the expulsion of all NATO forces that have invaded Greek territory, apart from encompassing the internationalist proletarian duty, defends our material and class interests. So as long as we stand with the peoples of Palestine , Yemen, Africa and all those fighting against imperialist barbarism, it is all the more imperative to fight for class organisation and class struggle against the class enemy within our own country.
Because the page of history that speaks of the liberation of the peoples is not started by the new imperialist interventions in the region, the new conditions of poverty and exploitation, the new imperialist wars on the backs of the peoples that this entails, but by the struggle against them.
Perpetual Struggle for Class Liberation
